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QAT threatens protest over Indus water rightsArticle content Sault Ste. Marie MPP Ross Romano is stepping away from provincial politics. He formally announced his decision Thursday. The Progressive Conservative MPP, who replaced Liberal David Orazietti in a June 2017 by-election, said he promised his family he would spend more time with them following this term. He will continue to represent the Sault Ste. Marie riding until the term is over but will not seek re-election. Romano has served as minister of colleges and universities and minister of government services. Most recently he was the chief government whip, a position he will retain until told otherwise, he said. “If the premier wants to choose someone else who is seeking re-election to fill this role, then I understand his decision but, until then, I will maintain the position. I love this job, working with caucus and all my colleagues,” he told The Sault Star in a telephone interview. Romano steps away at a time where he says he’s accomplished what he wanted for the Sault – to help put the city on the right track to grow and thrive. “There’s still work to do,” he said, adding he will continue to cheer for those who take the reins next. Romano said his decision is not new. In fact, it’s a promise he made to his wife years ago, one that was reiterated to his children following his last election win. “My kids will be 11, 12 and 13 (in 2026) and they need their dad at home, and I promised that after my two terms I would come home and that’s what I’ve announced,” he said. “It’s an emotional time.” Romano’s early vision for the city was to create a place where outmigration of young people was not a common trend. He launched student career fairs to show them opportunities available in their hometown, under the motto Home to Stay. Looking back, Romano said that was his most rewarding project. “Young people don’t feel the level of despair and the need to leave as they did in the past and parents don’t have to worry about seeing their kids leave and being left alone,” he said. The Ontario government, he said, has made major investments to industry, health care and education, during his time in office. Industry has grown, jobs are “plentiful” and our population is on the rise, he said. “I leave with a full heart knowing I gave it my all and we made a difference,” he said. Romano said he couldn’t have done it without the full support of his wife, Heather, who encouraged him into the world of politics, his children, his parents and extended family. “They all had faith in me, and they worked hard and gave up a lot for me to do what I’ve done,” he said. Romano estimates the province has injected more than $1 billion during the past eight years into Sault Ste. Marie, including $100 million of NOHFC funding. He says he has no regrets, and hopes that once he leaves his post, he can continue to advocate for Sault Ste. Marie and Northern Ontario in some other role. “I think I’ve developed skills to help my community and business, and I believe it would be rewarding to be able to continue to do so,” he said. While he has no definitive plans on where his career path will take him next, completing the term as MPP remains his priority for the short term, he said. As for sharing advice to his successor: “Don’t promise the world. Just promise you’ll bring your best and do your best.” Share this Story : Sault MPP Ross Romano to bid adieu to provincial politics Copy Link Email X Reddit Pinterest LinkedIn Tumblr
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COPENHAGEN, Denmark, Dec. 12, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Ascendis Pharma A/S (Nasdaq: ASND) today announced that the U.S. Food & Drug Administration (FDA) has accepted for review its supplemental Biologics License Application (sBLA) in adult growth hormone deficiency (GHD) for TransCon hGH (lonapegsomatropin-tcgd; marketed as SKYTROFA® for pediatric GHD). The FDA set a Prescription Drug User Fee Act (PDUFA) goal date of July 27, 2025. “This marks another step towards achieving our objective to expand SKYTROFA’s label beyond pediatric GHD and expand its reach to address new groups of patients,” said Jan Mikkelsen, Ascendis Pharma’s President and Chief Executive Officer. “Adult GHD is an undertreated condition associated with significant comorbidities and higher annual healthcare costs compared to the 5-10% of patients who receive treatment, indicative of the high unmet need.” The sBLA submission is based on results from foresiGHt, a Phase 3 randomized, parallel-arm, placebo-controlled (double-blind) and active-controlled (open-label) trial that compared the efficacy and safety of weekly TransCon hGH with weekly placebo and daily human growth hormone (hGH) in adults with GHD. The trial evaluated 259 adults with GHD aged 23 to 80 years old, randomized 1:1:1, titrated to receive a target fixed dose of TransCon hGH, placebo, or daily hGH based on age and oral estrogen intake with approximately equivalent hGH mg/week for TransCon hGH and daily hGH. TransCon hGH demonstrated superiority on its primary efficacy and key secondary efficacy endpoints at Week 38, with TransCon hGH-treated participants showing a statistically significant reduction from baseline in trunk fat and increase in total body lean mass at Week 38 compared to placebo. In the trial, TransCon hGH was generally safe and well tolerated, with no discontinuations related to study drug and with comparable safety and tolerability to daily hGH treatment. About Adult Growth Hormone Deficiency Growth hormone plays an essential role in the health of children and adults, promoting normal growth in children and maintenance of normal body composition and cardiometabolic health throughout adulthood. In adults, growth hormone boosts protein production, promotes fat utilization, enhances muscle mass, and helps regulate blood sugar levels. Adult GHD is a condition in which an individual’s body does not produce enough growth hormone. Symptoms and morbidity can include central obesity, metabolic syndrome, decreased bone density, alterations in lipid profile and markers of cardiovascular risk, fatigue, general weakness, lack of muscle tone, and psychological symptoms such as cognitive impairment, social isolation, lack of motivation, and depression.1 About Ascendis Pharma A/S Ascendis Pharma is applying its innovative TransCon technology platform to build a leading, fully integrated biopharma company focused on making a meaningful difference in patients’ lives. Guided by its core values of Patients, Science, and Passion, Ascendis uses its TransCon technologies to create new and potentially best-in-class therapies. Ascendis is headquartered in Copenhagen, Denmark and has additional facilities in Europe and the United States. Please visit ascendispharma.com to learn more. Forward-Looking Statements This press release contains forward-looking statements that involve substantial risks and uncertainties. All statements, other than statements of historical facts, included in this press release regarding Ascendis’ future operations, plans and objectives of management are forward-looking statements. Examples of such statements include, but are not limited to, statements relating to (i) the PDUFA goal date for SKYTROFA, (ii) Ascendis’ objective to expand SKYTROFA’s label and reach to address new groups of patients, (iii) Ascendis’ ability to apply its TransCon technology platform to build a leading, fully integrated biopharma company, and (iv) Ascendis’ use of its TransCon technologies to create new and potentially best-in-class therapies. Ascendis may not actually achieve the plans, carry out the intentions or meet the expectations or projections disclosed in the forward-looking statements and you should not place undue reliance on these forward-looking statements. Actual results or events could differ materially from the plans, intentions, expectations, and projections disclosed in the forward-looking statements. Various important factors could cause actual results or events to differ materially from the forward-looking statements that Ascendis makes, including the following: dependence on third party manufacturers, distributors and service providers for Ascendis’ products and product candidates; unforeseen safety or efficacy results in Ascendis’ development programs or on-market products; unforeseen expenses related to commercialization of any approved Ascendis products; unforeseen expenses related to Ascendis’ development programs; unforeseen selling, general and administrative expenses, other research and development expenses and Ascendis’ business generally; delays in the development of its programs related to manufacturing, regulatory requirements, speed of patient recruitment or other unforeseen delays; Ascendis’ ability to obtain additional funding, if needed, to support its business activities; the impact of international economic, political, legal, compliance, social and business factors. For a further description of the risks and uncertainties that could cause actual results to differ from those expressed in these forward-looking statements, as well as risks relating to Ascendis’ business in general, see Ascendis’ prospectus supplement filed on September 20, 2024 and Ascendis’ current and future reports filed with, or submitted to, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), including its Annual Report on Form 20-F filed with the SEC on February 7, 2024. Forward-looking statements do not reflect the potential impact of any future licensing, collaborations, acquisitions, mergers, dispositions, joint ventures, or investments that Ascendis may enter into or make. Ascendis does not assume any obligation to update any forward-looking statements, except as required by law. Ascendis, Ascendis Pharma, the Ascendis Pharma logo, the company logo, TransCon, and SKYTROFA ® , are trademarks owned by the Ascendis Pharma group. © December 2024 Ascendis Pharma A/S. 1.Hoffman AR, Mathison T, Andrews D, Murray K, Kelepouris N, Fleseriu M. Adult Growth Hormone Deficiency: Diagnostic and Treatment Journeys From the Patients' Perspective. J Endocr Soc. 2022;6(7):bvac077. Published 2022 May 12. doi:10.1210/jendso/bvac077ATLANTA — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.”
7 Christmas gifts under $100 for dad they’d actually love to get Yzzy Liwanag | YLiwanag@syracuse.com Yzzy Liwanag | YLiwanag@syracuse.com Christmas is approaching quickly, and if you’re still searching for gift ideas for your parents or spouse, we’ve got you covered. In our latest article, we explored the gifts moms would love and what dads say they want this year. Plus, if you’re on a budget, we also have great gift options for dads under $100. Whether you’re looking for a gift for an athletic dad, a musically talented dad, or just a dad who enjoys everyday activities, this list has options for all types of dads. We asked dads what Christmas gifts they actually want: Here are their (surprising) answers 7. Light-duty power washer The 1,800 MAX PSI Electric Cold Water Pressure Washer is small enough for easy storage but powerful enough to handle your outdoor cleaning needs. Equipped with a high-pressure soap cannon and two nozzles, it has all the tools necessary to wash your car or clean your patio. The pressure washer wand features a comfort grip for effortless handling. 6. Immersion Blender The upgraded 7-in-1 customization with an ergonomic handle includes an immersion blender, 500 ml chopper, 600 ml beaker, milk frother, ice crusher blade, shape chopper blade, egg whisk, and storage bracket. With a range of attachments, it’s designed to not only fulfill your diverse food preparation needs but also enhance your cooking skills. 5. Retro MTV shirts Take a trip down memory lane with this MTV Retro Pop Logo Men’s T-Shirt, bringing you back to the days of Tabitha Soren, Kurt Loder, Headbanger’s Ball, Run DMC, and endless hours of re-watching quirky videos that defined our youth. Relive a time when a 3-minute attention span was considered brief. 4. Light Bar Featuring 256 high-power LED chips, this combo beam with a triple row and a central nested reflector cup design maximizes light efficiency, allowing you to spot obstacles and wildlife on dark roads. 3. Roof Rack This roof rack is perfect for storing extra luggage, camping gear, cargo bags, and more, designed for those with an adventurous lifestyle. It’s easy to install using 4 universal U-bolts, and the metal bottom bars and side rails offer plenty of tie-down points for secure storage. 2. Cassette player to MP3 converter Revisit the nostalgic pleasure of listening to classic cassette tapes with our Portable Cassette Player. Featuring a built-in speaker and headphone jack, it functions as both a portable music player and a convenient tool for playing your old tapes. 1. Cordless reciprocating saw The NEXPOW 24V Cordless Reciprocating Saw features a high-quality motor with a 0-3500 SPM range, providing superior cutting performance. It is versatile enough to handle precise cuts through various materials, including wood, pipes, and metals, meeting a range of cutting needs. Want more ideas? Check out our gift guide stories below Stocking Stuffers Yeti shot glasses, Carhartt knit gloves plus 8 other Christmas stocking stuffers For mom We asked moms what Christmas gifts they actually want this year - Here are their answers 7 Christmas gifts for mom under $100: Bath bombs, journals, bags, more For Dad We asked dads what Christmas gifts they actually want: Here are their (surprising) answers More Shopping and Deals 7 Christmas gifts for mom under $100: Bath bombs, journals, bags, more Kate Spade is having an end-of-season sale on the Dakota Tote for 40% off I have the Bose QuietComfort Headphones and I’m obsessed with it - It’s on sale at Target for 43% off Cyber Monday is over but you can still shop these 7 huge discounts right now - Up to 67% off Samsung’s Cyber Week is still going on - Save nearly $2000 on the 83-inch Class OLEDCanada and New Zealand share an important approach to gun control: both countries view firearms as a privilege, not a right. The similarities don't end there, either. Both have strong and legitimate firearms-owning communities, and both have problems with self-harm and rapidly changing technologies. They also face similar threats, including young people and violent extremism, and rising firearm violence in general. Both have a tragic history of mass shootings. But both can learn from each other. Canada's recent Mass Casualty Commission, which followed an armed rampage in Nova Scotia in 2020 that left 22 people dead, highlighted the dangers of ignoring warning signs of gender-based violence and the need for better community policing. Similarly, New Zealand's royal commission inquiry into the 2019 Christchurch terror attacks has lessons for Canada around the challenges of identity-based extremism. With amendments to New Zealand's firearms control laws before parliament now, here are five broad aspects of the Canadian experience New Zealand policymakers should consider. A robust gun registry One thing made clear to me from visits to multiple Canadian police agencies was the need for New Zealand's gun registration system to rise above politics. Registration of restricted firearms has been a long-standing practice in Canada. But following the horrific École Polytechnique massacre in 1989, when 14 women were killed, the registry was extended to include "long guns" (rifles and other non-pistol types). But budget problems and debates about its merits saw the long-gun registry canned in 2012 – despite police agencies accessing records over 17,000 times a day. The loss now makes it harder for police to assess risks when responding to calls, distinguish between legal and illegal firearms, trace the source of registered firearms found at crime scenes, and identify and return stolen and lost firearms to their owners. The lesson for New Zealand, which is currently...By KELVIN CHAN LONDON (AP) — After a sprawling hacking campaign exposed the communications of an unknown number of Americans, U.S. cybersecurity officials are advising people to use encryption in their communications. To safeguard against the risks highlighted by the campaign, which originated in China, federal cybersecurity authorities released an extensive list of security recommendations for U.S. telecom companies — such as Verizon and AT&T — that were targeted. The advice includes one tip we can all put into practice with our phones: “Ensure that traffic is end-to-end encrypted to the maximum extent possible.” End-to-end encryption, also known as E2EE, means that messages are scrambled so that only the sender and recipient can see them. If anyone else intercepts the message, all they will see is a garble that can’t be unscrambled without the key. Law enforcement officials had until now resisted this type of encryption because it means the technology companies themselves won’t be able to look at the messages, nor respond to law enforcement requests to turn the data over. Here’s a look at various ways ordinary consumers can use end-to-end encryption: Officials said the hackers targeted the metadata of a large number of customers, including information on the dates, times and recipients of calls and texts. They also managed to see the content from texts from a much smaller number of victims. If you’re an iPhone user, information in text messages that you send to someone else who also has an iPhone will be encrypted end-to-end. Just look for the blue text bubbles, which indicate that they are encrypted iMessages. The same goes for Android users sending texts through Google Messages. There will be a lock next to the timestamp on each message to indicate the encryption is on. But there’s a weakness. When iPhone and Android users text each other, the messages are encrypted only using Rich Communication Services, an industry standard for instant messaging that replaces the older SMS and MMS standards. Apple has noted that RCS messages “aren’t end-to-end encrypted, which means they’re not protected from a third party reading them while they’re sent between devices.” Samsung, which sells Android smartphones, has also hinted at the issue in a footnote at the bottom of a press release last month on RCS, saying, “Encryption only available for Android to Android communication.” To avoid getting caught out when trading texts, experts recommend using encrypted messaging apps. Privacy advocates are big fans of Signal, which applies end-to-end encryption on all messages and voice calls. The independent nonprofit group behind the app promises never to sell, rent, or lease customer data and has made its source code publicly available so that it can be audited by anyone to examine it “for security and correctness.” Signal’s encryption protocol is so reputable that it has been integrated into rival WhatsApp , so users will enjoy the same level of security protection as Signal, which has a much smaller user base. End-to-end encryption is also the default mode for Facebook Messenger , which like WhatsApp is owned by Meta Platforms. Telegram is an app that can be used for one-on-one conversations, group chats and broadcast “channels” but contrary to popular perception, it doesn’t turn on end-to-end encryption by default. Users have to switch on the option. And it doesn’t work with group chats. Cybersecurity experts have warned people against using Telegram for private communications and pointed out that only its opt-in ‘secret chat’ feature is encrypted from end-to-end. The app also has a reputation for being a haven for scammers and criminal activity, highlighted by founder and CEO Pavel Durov’s arrest in France . Instead of using your phone to make calls through a wireless cellular network, you can make voice calls with Signal and WhatsApp. Both apps encrypt calls with the same technology that they use to encrypt messages. There are other options. If you have an iPhone you can use Facetime for calls, while Android owners can use the Google Fi service, which are both end-to-end encrypted. The only catch with all these options is that, as with using the chat services to send messages, the person on the other end will also have to have the app installed. WhatsApp and Signal users can customize their privacy preferences in the settings, including hiding IP address during calls to prevent your general location from being guessed. Is there a tech topic that you think needs explaining? Write to us at onetechtip@ap.org with your suggestions for future editions of One Tech Tip.
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